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I. Tips on Giving a Public Speech: How to Talk to Anyone, Anytime, Anywhere——The Secrets of Good Communication, by Larry King

演讲的诀窍:如何做到自如地在任何地点、时间与任何人交谈一沟通的秘诀，拉里·金

Somebody tells you that you have to give a speech, your response may be “I gotta do what？ ! ”but it’ s important to remember that speeches are like anything else in life—there’ s always a first time. People ——even some who are wonderful talkers in a conversational setting——are often terrified over the prospect of giving their first speech. Some are scared about it regardless of how mankind of mystique to public speaking——some secret knowledge that makes a person a good speaker. There are so many books on the subject, you’ d think you need a graduate degree before you could stand at a lectern.

I give speeches many times a year to groups of every possible description. My “secret”is simply that I think of public speaking as no different from any other form of talk. It’ s a way of sharing my thoughts with other people. In one sense, it’ s easier than social conversation because you are in complete control of where the talk is going. At the sometime, you have to have something to say. You can’ t fudge it with,“Oh, really？ Tell me more.”And saying you have to go to the bathroom does not get you out of this one.

This leads to the first key to being a successful public speaker: Talk about something you know about. The second key to being a good speaker is to follow the motto of the Boy Scouts——Be prepared. If you are talking about a subject you know well, as I’ ve just advised, preparing the speech itself should not be too difficult.

You will be able to organize your thoughts more easily and more effectively if you bear in mind this simple structure for speeches:

One, tell’ em what you’ re going to tell’ em;

Two, tell’ em’ ;

Three, tell’ em what you’ ve told’ em.

If you let the audience know where you’ re going at the beginning, they will follow you more easily through the body of your speech. At the end, try to summarize your most important points in slightly different words from the ones you used in your opening.

Here are some other key tips based on my own speaking experience and what I’ ve noticed in the other good speakers.

1. Look at your audience. I’ ve already said how important it is to make eye contact. First, be sure to look up from your text or notes. Second, don’ t talk to the wall in the back or the window or the side. They’ re not your audience. Each time you look up from your text, look at a different part of the audience, so the whole group feels they’ re begin addressed.

2. Know the pacing and inflection you want to use. Some speakers, if they’ re reading from a complete text, underline the words they want to emphasize. If you are using an outline or notes, highlight ideas or phrases you should stress. This accomplishes two. Things: It guarantees your emphasis will be where you intended it to be, and it assures your audience that you won’ t be speaking in a dull monotone that will put them to sleep, especially if you’ re talking after a meal.

3. Stand up straight. I don’ t mean have to assume a parade-ground posture, but stand in a comfortable way, rather that “hunching over the lectern. Hunching constricts your breathing, and it looks bad.

4. If there’ s a microphone in front of you, adjust it to the right height, or ask a techniacin to do it, rather than forcing yourself to stoop like heron. If you can, check this out before it’ s your turn to speak. that’ s why it’ s there. If you declaim at a high volume into it, you will actually be harder to hear. And be careful to keep your mouth in range of the mike; don’ t weave around or turn away to answer a question from the side.

Keep in mind the value of brevity. English teachers tell the story of the mam who received a lengthy letter from a friend that ended with an apology.“Please excuse such along letter,”his friend said,“I didn’ t have time to write a short one.”It’ s not easy to be brief, especially on a topic you know a lot about. But in any kind of communication, it’ s always worth take in time to boil your message down to its essentials.

That emphasis on brevity applies even more when you are delivering a speech. The show business expression “know when to get off”comes into play again. And the best public speakers always know when. Some of the longest speeches ever inflicted on the American public have been the inaugural addresses of our presidents. However one of the shortest inaugural addresses is also one of the best remembered and most often quoted. It was delivered on January 20, 1961, by John F. Kennedy. The new president offered a challenge to Americans as they moved into a new decade following the‘50s, which many considered a lethargic time.

Carl Sanburg, the eminent author, poet, and historian, who won the Pulitzer Prize for his account of Lincoln’ s presidency, told friends of his admiration for the Kennedy inaugural address.Hesaid, “It’s Lincolnesque.”Kennedy spoke for less than fifteen minutes.

We can learn from these speakers, whose ability to talk effectively was central to their success, as is the case with so many successful people in every profession. Brevity is the first thing we can learn from them. If people like Lincoln and Kennedy are willing to keep it short to maximize their effectiveness as speakers, we should be smart enough to do the same thing.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we have come here today to dramatize this shameful condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation’ s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable fights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check——a check which has come back marked“insufficient funds” .

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we have come to cash this check——a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil fights, “When will you be satisfied”We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’ s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the rocked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God’ s children will be able to sing with a new meaning, “My country, ‘tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’ s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.”And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring——when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’ s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual,“Free at last!Free at last!Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! ”

（Martin Luther King’ s“I have a dream”speech is widely recognized as a masterpiece. It was delivered on August 28, 1963, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial to some 200,000 people who had come to Washington, D.C. to participate in a peaceful demonstration to further the cause of equal rights for African Americans. Millions of Americans watched the speech on television or listened to it on the radio.）

My fellow citizens, tonight is my last opportunity to speak to you from the Oval Office as your president.

I am profoundly grateful to you for twice giving me the honor to serve, to work for you and with you to prepare our nation for the 21st century. And I’ m grateful to Vice President Gore, to my Cabinet secretaries, and to all those who have served with me for the last eight years.

This has been a time of dramatic transformation, and you have risen to every new challenge. You have made our social fabric stronger, our families healthier and safer, and our people more prosperous.

You, the American people, have made our passage into the global information age an era of great American renewal.

In all the work I have done as president, every decision I have made, every executive action I have taken, every bill I have proposed and signed, I’ ve tried to give all Americans the tools and condition to build the future of our dreams, in a good society, with a strong economy, a cleaner environment, and a freer, safer, more prosperous world.

I have steered my course by our enduring values. Opportunity for all. Responsibility from all. A community of all Americans, I have sought to give America a new kind of government, smaller, more modern, more effective, full of ideas and policies appropriate to this new time, always putting people first, always focusing on the future.

Working together, America has done well. Our economy is breaking records, with more than 22 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment in 30 years, the highest home ownership ever, and the longest expansion in history.

Our families and communities are stronger. Thirty-five million Americans have used the family leave law. Eight million have moved off welfare. Crime is at a 25-year low. Over 10 million Americans receive more college aid, and more people are going to college. Our schools are better higher standards, greater accountability and larger investments have brought higher test scores, and higher graduation rates.

More than three million children have health insurance now, and more than 7 million Americans have been lifted out of poverty. Incomes are rising across the board. Our air and water are cleaner. Our food and drinking water are safer. And more of our precious land has been preserved, in the continental United States, than at any time in 100 years.

America has been a force for peace and prosperity in every corner of the globe.

I’ m very grateful to be able to turn over the reins of leadership to a new president, with America in such a strong position to meet the challenges of the future.

Tonight, I want to leave you with three thoughts about our future. First, America must maintain our record of fiscal responsibility. Through our last four budgets, we’ ve turned record deficits to record surpluses and we’ ve been able to pay down $ 600 billion of our national debt, on track to be debt free by the end of the decade for the first time since 1835.

Staying on that course will bring lower interest rates, greater prosperity and the opportunity to meet our big challenges. If we choose wisely, we can pay down the debt, deal with the retirement of the baby boomers, invest more in our future and provide tax relief.

Second, because the world is more connected every day in every way, America’ s security and prosperity require us to continue to lead in the world. At this remarkable moment in history, more people live in freedom that ever before. Our alliances are stronger than ever. People all around the world look to America to be a force for peace and prosperity, freedom and security. The global economy is giving more of our own people, and billions around the world, the chance to work and live and raise their families with dignity.

But the forces of integration that have created the good opportunities also make us more subject to global forces of destruction, to terrorism, organized crime and nacre-trafficking, the spread of deadly weapons and disease, the degradation of the global environment.

The expansion of trade hasn’ t fully closed the gap between those of us who live on the cutting edge of the global economy and the billions around the world who live on the knife’ s edge of survival. This global gap requires more than compassion. It requires action. Global poverty is a powder keg that could be ignited by our indifference.

In his first inaugural address, Thomas Jefferson warned of entangling alliances. But in our times, America cannot and must not disentangle itself from the world. If we want the world to embody our shared values, then we must assume a shared responsibility.

If the wars of the 20th century, especially the recent ones in Kosovo and Bosnia, have taught us anything, it is that we achieve our aims by defending our values and leading the forces of freedom and peace. We must embrace boldly and resolutely that duty to lead, to stand with our allies in word and deed, and to put a human face on the global economy so that expanded trade benefits all people in all nations, lifting lives and hopes all across the world.

Third，we must remember that America cannot lead in the world unless here at home we weave the threads of our coat of many colors into the fabric of one America. As we become ever more diverse, we must work harder to unite around our common values and our common humanity.

We must work harder to overcome our differences. In our hearts and in our laws, we must trial all our people with fairness and dignity, regardless of their race, religion, gender or sexual orientation and regardless of when they arrived in our country, always moving toward the more perfect union of our founders dreams.

Hillary, Chelsea and I join all Americans in wishing our very best to the next president, George W. Bush, to his family and his administration in meeting these challenges and in leading freedom’ s march in this new century.

As for me, I’ ll leave the presidency more idealistic, more full of hope than the day I arrived and more confident than ever that America’ s best days lie ahead.

My days in this office are nearly through, but my days of service, I hope, are not. In the years ahead, I will never hold a position higher or a covenant more sacred than that of president of the United States. But there is no title I will wear more proudly than that of citizen.

Thank you. God bless you, and God bless America.

IV. The Torch has been Passed to a New Generation of American, by John F. Kennedy

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom——symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning——signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe——the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans——born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage——and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge——and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative venture. Divided, there is little we can do——for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odd and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shaft not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom——and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required——not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is fight. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting of the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support——to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective——o strengthen its shield of the new and the weak——and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we are certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course——both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’ s final war.

So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of laboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms——and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the starts, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corers of the earth the command of Isaiah——to“undo the heavy burdens and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again——not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are; but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in, and year out,“rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation” ——a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind？ Will you join in that historic effort？

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility——I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it——and the glow from that fire can truly fight the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world “Ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strengths and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good con-science our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’ s work must truly be our own.

Yesterday,December7,1941——a date which will live in infamy——United States of America, was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

United States was at peace with that nation, and at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its Emperor, working towards the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

Indeed one hour after, Japanese air squadrons have commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu. The Japanese Ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to our Secretary of States a formal reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seems useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned, many days, or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian island has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas betweens San Francisco and Honolulu.

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

Last night, the Japanese attacked Week Island.

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

Japan has therefore undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States has already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures betaken for our defense.

But always, let our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe that I interpret the will of Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

Hostilities exist, there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interest are in grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces,with the unbundling determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable trample, so help us God.

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese Empire.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called“new order”of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory

I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work; a life’ s work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit. Not for glory, and least of all, for profit, but to create out of the material of the human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only mine in trust. It would not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate for the purpose and significance of its origin. But I would like to do the same with the acclaim too by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and women, already dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is already that one who will someday stand here where I am standing.

Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear, so long sustained by now that we can even bear it. There’ re no longer problems of the spirit, there’ s only the question: “When will I be blown up？ ”Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself, which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.

He must learn them again; he must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid: and teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room in his work shop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart. The old universal truths, lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed——love and honor, and pity and pride, and compassion and sacrifice. Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He writes not of love, but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without hope, and most of all, without pity or compassion. His grief weaves on no universal bone, leaving no scars. He writes not of the heart, but of the glands.

Until he relearns these things, he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of man. I decline to accept the end of man. It’ s easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure: that from the last ding-dong of doom and clang had faded from the last worthless rock hanging tireless in the last red and dying evening, that even then, there will be one more sound, that of this puny and inexhaustible voice still talking. I refuse to accept this, I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion, and sacrifice, and endurance. The poets’ , the writers’duty is to write about these things, it’ s his privilege to help man endure, lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage, and honor and hope and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poets’voice need not merely be the recall of man, it can be one of the props, the pillars to help him endure and prevail.

Good morning. I’ m speaking to you today from Beijing. In just two days, I’ ve seen some of the rich history and remarkable changes that are taking place in China, home to nearly one-quarter of the world’ s population.

China is the oldest civilization on Earth. In Xi’ an, on Friday, I saw the old and the new China, from magnificent Terra Cotta Warriors sculpted by artisans 2000 years before America was founded, to the beginnings of democracy in a nearby village, where residents soon will hold elections.

I’ ve been touched by the warm reception given to me, my family, and the members of Congress traveling with us. Tens of thousands of Chinese families have lined the streets to greet us. For all these people, China is changing. I see cell phones, beepers, new office buildings.

China is no longer the same country it was when President Nixon first came here 26 years ago. Never before have had so many Chinese had the opportunity to start businesses, lift their families out of poverty, choose where to live, work, and travel, and enjoy the fruits of their labors. But there’ s also resistance to change——the legacy of a history that has not always been kind to the Chinese people and has left a deeply rooted fear of instability.

Today in Beijing I am meeting with China’ s leaders to talk about the future of our two countries and a relationship between us that is essential to a peaceful, stable, and prosperous world in the next century. We talked about the United States and China’ s mutual interests——promoting peace in Korea, where 40,000 U.S. soldiers still risk their lives to patrol the Cold War’ s last frontier; preventing a nuclear arms race between India and Pakistan; restoring economic stability in Asia; stopping the spread of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them; combating international crime and drug trafficking;preserving the environment; and opening trade.

We also spoke frankly about our differences, especially concerning human rights. Over the past year, we have seen some progress in this area, though still far from enough. Some of China’ s famous political prisoners have been released, but others still languish in prison. The government is loosening its control over many aspects of daily life, yet people still are not completely free to meet, to publish, to speak, to worship according to the dictates of their own hearts.

Throughout this trip, I will raise human rights and try to explain how freedom has been at the heart of America’ s success and prosperity. I will also argue that in this global information age, when economic success is built on ideas, personal freedom is necessary to the innovation and creativity that are essential to the greatness of any modern nation.

In dealing with China, we must stay true to a course that is both principled and pragmatic. We must continue to expand our areas of cooperation, even as we deal directly with our differences.

China is important to our future, with the largest population on Earth, a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, an economy increasingly connected to our own. Without China, it will be difficult to face the challenges successfully that affect all of us. With China, we can build a safer, more prosperous future for our children, a world of unlimited possibility in the new century.

Thanks for listening.

Adlai E. Stevenson （1900—1965） , U.S. statesman, born in Los Angeles, California, received law degree from Northwestern University 1926, elected governor of Illinois in1948; Democratic candidate for U. S. president in 1952 and 1956 but defeated by the popular Dwight D. Eisenhower. He is known as an eloquent speaker.

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen of the convention, my fellow citizens, I accept your nomination and your program. I should have preferred to hear those words uttered by a stronger, a wiser, a better man than myself, but after listening to the President’ s speech, I even feel better about myself. None of you, my friends, can wholly appreciate what is in my heart. I can only hope that you understand my words, they will be few. I have not sought the honor you have done me. I could not seek it because I aspire to another office, which was the full measure of my ambition, and one does not treat the highest office within the gifts of the people of Illinois as an alternative or as a consolation prize. I would not seek your nomination for the Presidency because the burdens of that office stagger the imagination. It’ s potential for good or evil, now and in the years of our lives, smothers exaltations and converts vanity to prayer.

I’ ve asked the merciful Father, the Father of us all, to let this cup pass on me, but from such dread responsibility one does not shrink in fear, in self-interest, or in false humility. So if this cup may not pass from me, I accept, I drink it, I will be done. That my heart has been troubled, that I have not sought this nomination, that I could not seek it in good conscience, that I would not seek it in honest self-appraisal, is not to say that I value it the less. Rather it is that I reversed the office of the Presidency of the United States. And now my friends that you have made your decision, I will fight to win that office with all my heart and my soul. And with your help, I have not doubt that we will win.

Sacrifice, patience, understanding and implacable purpose may be our lot for years to come. Let’ s face it, let’ s talk sense to the American people, let’ s tell them the truth that there are no gains without pains, that we are now on the eve of great decisions, not easy decisions, like resistance when you are attacked, but a long, patient, costly struggle which alone can assure triumph over the great enemies of men: war, poverty and tyranny and the assaults upon human dignity which are the most grievous consequences of each. Let’ s tell them that the victory to the golden age, mocks the pretensions of individuals, of human ingenuity, for it is the citadel guarded by thick wails of ignorance and of mistrust which do not fall before the trumpet’ s blasts, or the politicians’implications, or even the generals’batons. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help, there will be no desertion now. Better we lose the election than mislead the people, and better we lose than misgovern the people. Help me to do the job in this autumn of conflict and of campaign, help me to do the job in these years of darkness engulfed in crisis which stretched beyond the horizon of tonight’ s happy vision, and we will justify our glorious past and the loyalty of silent millions who look to us for compassion, for understanding, and for honest purpose. Thus we will serve our great tradition greatly. I ask of you all you have. I will give you all I have.

“Even as he who came here tonight and honored me, as he has honored you, the Democratic party, by a lifetime of service and bravery, that will find him an imperishable page in the history of the Republic and the democratic Party, President Harry S. Truman. And finally, my friends in this staggering task that you have assigned me, I should always try to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with my God.

Hong Kong has been a place of meeting and a place of refuge.

Here merchants and teachers, architects and artisans have built one of the world’ s greatest cities.

Here East and West have joined together in free and peaceful partnership.

We are gathered now in this place between the mountains and the sea with the eyes of the world upon us. And standing all about us, great buildings that declare Hong Kong’ s vigor and achievement.

As we think of the wonders of the city, let us welcome those for whom it is held in trust; the children who will inherit what has been built, whose hopes and dreams and talents will chart new courses, create new wonders.

Chris Patten: Your Royal Highness, prime minister, distinguished guests, people of Hong Kong, for Hong Kong as a whole today is cause for celebration, not sorrow. But here and there perhaps there will be a touch of personal sadness as is true of any departure. A point to which I shall return. History is not just a matter of dates. What makes history is what comes before and what comes after. The dates that we all remember. The story of this great city is about the years before this night and the years of success that will surely follow it. Of course Hong Kong’ s story is not solely that of a century and a half of British responsibility. Though it is the conclusion of that chapter that we mark tonight. This chapter began with events that from today’ s vantage point at the end of the following century none of us here would wish or seek to condone.This is a Chinese city, a very Chinese city with British characteristics. No dependent territory has been left more prosperous. None, with such a rich texture and fabric of civil society, professions, churches, newspapers, charities, civil secants of the highest probity and the most steadfast commitment to the public good. I have no doubt that with people here, holding on to these values, which they cherish, Hong Kong’ s star will continue to climb. I said that tonight’ s celebration will be tinged for some with sadness. So it will be for my family, and myself and for others who, like us, will soon depart from this shore. I am the 28th Governor, the last Governor. Like all the other Governors and their families, my wife, my children and myself will take Hong Kong home in our hearts. You have been kind to us, you have made us as welcome. It has been the greatest honor and privilege of my life to share your home for five years and to have some responsibility for your future. Now Hong Kong people are to run Hong Kong. That is the promise and that is the unshakable destiny.

Prince Charles: Governor, prime minister, ladies and gentlemen, I’ ve been asked by Her Majesty the Queen to read the following message.

Five hours from now the Union flag will be lowered and the flag of China will fly over Hong Kong. More than a century and a half of British administration will come to an end. During that time Hong Kong has grown from a small coastal settlement into one of the leading cities and one of the greatest trading economies in the world. There have been times of sacrifice, suffering and courage. As Hong Kong has risen from the ashes of war, a most dramatic transformation has taken place; millions of destitute immigrants have been absorbed and Hong Kong has created one of the most successful societies on earth. Britain is both proud and privileged to be involved with this success story. Proud of the British values and institutions that have been the framework for Hong Kong’ s success. Proud of the rights and freedoms which Hong Kong people enjoy. Privileged to be associated with the prodigiously talented and resourceful people of Hong Kong who have built upon that foundation. The British flag will be lowered and British administrative responsibility will end. But Britain is not saying good-bye to Hong Kong. More than three and a half million Hong Kong residents are British nationals. Thousands of young Hong Kong men and women study in Britain every year. We share language and the English Common Law. And thousands of Britain’ s too, have made their homes in Hong Kong. The shared legacy of family and of friendship, trade and investment, culture and history runs strong and deep. Britain is part of Hong Kong’ s history and Hong Kong is part of Britain’ s history. We are also part of each other’ s future. We are confident that the ties between us will not only endure but will continue to develop. The eyes of the world are on Hong Kong today. I wish you all a successful transition and a prosperous and a peaceful future.

Oh, thank you, thank your ever so much. I’ m so happy. Thank you. I have, I have a television, so I’ m going to spend some time here to tell you some things. And sir, you’ re doing a great job, but you’ re so quick with that stick so why don’ t you sit because I may never be here again.

I would like to start with telling you all how amazing the experience of feeling the sisterhood of being included in a group with Joan Allen and Juliette Binoche and Laura Linney and Ellen Burstyn for these last weeks, has been, it’ s just felt like such a triumph to me to be in that list. My name starts with “R”so I’ m always last, but I still love the list. But I want to acknowledge so many people that made Erin Brokovich. But let me make my dress pretty. Universal, everybody at Niversal, Kevin Mischer and Stacey Snider and Stacey Sher and I can’ t believe I’ m remembering everybody’ s name. Jersey films, Danny Devito, and everybody over there. Everybody I’ ve ever met in my life.

This movie was sinfully fun to make, and Albert Finney is my friend, and my pleasure to act with. And Aaron Eckhart and Scotty and Gemmenne and Brittany and Ashley, all the wonderful actors that played my children. And Marg Helgenberger. And turn that clock off, it’ s making me nervous.

Greg Jacobs, everybody on our crew that was so great. And, well, just a few other people. And, but really, the main person, well, Richard La Graveness and Susannah Grant who wrote such a nice script. Steven Soderbergh, hi, there you are. You truly just made me want to be the best actor that I suppose I never knew I could be, or aspire to, and I made every attempt. Stickman, I see you, so I thank you for really making me feel so, I love it up here!Yeah, anyway, I start working for him again in two days, so I can get to you later, but Benjamin Bratt, my sister Lisa, my brother-in-law Tony, Elain Goldsmith-Thomas, who’ s been my agent since God was a boy, Jeff Berg, my mom, and just Frances and Marcus and Mike and everybody who’ s watching at home, Kelly,Emma, everybody. I love the world!I’ m so happy!Thank you!

Well, thanks, and let me welcome everybody to this fifth CEO summit that we’ ve done. It’ s our pleasure to have a chance to host you today. We do this session as an opportunity for all of us to share feedback, to brainstorm, to prompt some ideas and hope-fully leave you with some thoughts that are useful.

We already have a thought that is useful to us. If you’ re going to put 150 people in a room with a device, you’ d better not test with 75 devices the night before. You might not put enough bandwidth into the room. And at least as I was providing help desk support to this part of the audience, I was learning that lesson very vividly.

It has certainly been a wild year since the last time we did this event. Last night at the cocktail party I was talking to a number of folks about observations on the economy and how wildly that has changed. Certainly in the information technology business there has been ongoing fervor, positive and negative, about e-commerce and e-business, about IT and capital spending. IT is over 50 percent of the capital spending now with business in the United States. And as capital spending has certainly suffered over the last year, a lot of discussion about what’ s going on that front. And certainly also a lot of continuing discussion about how to make employee populations more effective and essentially more empowered to make right decisions by putting information in front of people, right time, fight place, etc.

We’ re going to have a chance to hear from Bill Gates about that and then have a chance to share some communal thoughts. We have a number of panels in which attendees will share some of their experiences and thoughts on a wide variety of these issues.

Certainly from my perspective the adjustments that we’ ve seen in the capital markets, in the labor markets have been amazing and they’ ve been amazing in all the ways that people focus in on obviously, particularly in the capital markets, but I was particularly glad that Bob raised the idea off doing a panel this time essentially on the labor or talent market, because I have seen. A dramatic change in the flow of people and talent over the course of the last year since we’ ve seen the issue arise in this so-called dot-com world.

It is a pleasure to host this kind of event. We want these things to be very interactive, very lively. We have a pretty full agenda, but there’ s still plenty of time for interaction, and that absolutely is the critical element.

And without further ado, I’ m going to turn things over to Bill Gates. Bill is going to lead us off with a little bit of discussion and demonstration of some of the kinds of things we think will continue to impact and positively impact the work all of us do over the next several years.

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

It’ s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.

It’ s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled——Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of red states and blue states; we are, and always will be, the United States of America.

It’ s the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

It’ s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.

I just received a very gracious call from Sen. McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he’ s fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Gov. Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the vicepresident-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation’ s next first lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House. And while she’ s no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

To my campaign manager, David Plouffe; my chief strategist, David Axelrod; and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics——you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done.

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to——it belongs to you.

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn’ t start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington——it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’ s apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this earth. This is your victory.

I know you didn’ t do this just to win an election, and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime——two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they’ ll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor’ s bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year, or even one term, but America ——I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you: We as a people will get there.

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won’ t agree with every decision or policy I make as president, and we know that government can’ t solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And, above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it’ s been done in America for 221 years——block by block, brick by brick, callused hand by callused hand.

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek——it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’ s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers. In this country, we rise or fall as one nation——as one people.

Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House——a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty and national unity. Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.

As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, “We are not enemies, but friends... Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.”And, to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your president, too.

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world——our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down: We will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security: We support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright: Tonight, we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.

For that is the true genius of America ——that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’ s on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’ s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election, except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn’ t vote for two reasons——because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

And tonight, I think about all that she’ s seen throughout her century in America ——the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can’ t and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes, we can.

At a time when women’ s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes, we can.

When there was despair in the Dust Bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes, we can.

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes, we can.

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that“We Shall Overcome.”Yes, we can.

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes, we can.

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves: If our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see？ What progress will we have made？

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time——to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can’ⅰt, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.

Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.

I am speaking not as a Briton, not as a European, not as a member of a western democracy, but as a human being, a member of the species Man, whose continued existence is in doubt. The world is full of conflicts: Jews and Arabs; Indians and Pakistanis; white men and Negroes in Africa; and, overshadowing all minor conflicts, the titanic struggle between communism and anticommunism.

Almost everybody who is politically conscious has strong feelings about one or more of these issues; but I want you, if you can, to set aside such feelings for the moment and consider yourself only as a member of a biological species which has had a remarkable history and whose disappearance none of us can desire. I shall try to say no single word which should appeal to one group rather than to another. All, equally, are in peril, and, if the peril is understood, there is hope that they may collectively avert it. We have to learn to think in a new way. We have to learn to ask ourselves not what steps can be taken to give military victory to whatever group we prefer, for there no longer are such steps. The question we have to ask ourselves is: What steps can be taken to prevent a military contest of which the issue must be disastrous to all sides？

The general public, and even many men in positions of authority, have not realized what would be involved in a war with hydrogen bombs. The general public still thinks in terms of the obliteration of cities. It is understood that the new bombs are more powerful than the old and that, while one atomic bomb could obliterate Hiroshima, one hydrogen bomb could obliterate the largest cities such as London, New York, and Moscow. No doubt in a hydrogen-bomb war great cities would be obliterated. But this is one of the minor disasters that would have to be faced. If everybody in London, New York, and Moscow were exterminated, the world might, in the course of a few centuries, recover from the blow. But we now know, especially since the Bikini test, that hydrogen bombs can gradually spread destruction over a much wider area than had been supposed. It is stated on very good authority that a bomb can now be manufactured which will be 25,000 times as powerful as that which destroyed Hiroshima. Such a bomb, if exploded near the ground or under water, sends radioactive particles into the upper air. They sink gradually and reach the surface of the earth in the form of a deadly dust or rain. It was this dust which infected the Japanese fishermen and their catch of fish although they were outside what American experts believed to be the danger zone. No one knows how widely such lethal radioactive particles might be diffused, but the best authorities are unanimous in saying that a war with hydrogen bombs is quite likely to put an end to the human race. It is feared that if many hydrogen bombs are used there will be universal death- sudden only for a fortunate minority, but for the majority a slow torture of disease and disintegration...

Here, then, is the problem which I present to you, stark and dreadful and inescapable: Shall we put an end to the human race1 or shall mankind renounce war？ People will not face this alternative because it is so difficult to abolish war. The abolition of war will demand distasteful limitations of national sovereignty. But what perhaps impedes understanding of the situation more than anything else is that the term 'mankind' feels vague and abstract. People scarcely realize in imagination that the danger is to themselves and their children and their grandchildren, and not only to a dimly apprehended humanity' And so they hope that perhaps war may be allowed to continue provided modern weapons are prohibited. I am afraid this hope is illusory. Whatever agreements not to use hydrogen bombs had been reached in time of peace, they would no longer be considered binding in time of war, and both sides would set to work to manufacture hydrogen bombs as soon as war broke out, for if one side manufactured the bombs and the other did not, the side that manufactured them would inevitably be victorious...

As geological time is reckoned, Man has so far existed only for a very short period one million years at the most. What he has achieved, especially during the last 6,000 years, is something utterly new in the history of the Cosmos, so far at least as we are acquainted with it. For countless ages the sun rose and set, the moon waxed and waned, the stars shone in the night, but it was only with the coming of Man that these things were understood. In the great world of astronomy and in the little world of the atom, Man has unveiled secrets which might have been thought undiscoverable. In art and literature and religion, some men have shown a sublimity of feeling which makes the species worth preserving. Is all this to end in trivial horror because so few are able to think of Man rather than of this or that group of men？ Is our race so destitute of wisdom, so incapable of impartial love, so blind even to the simplest dictates of self-preservation, that the last proof of its silly cleverness is to be the extermination of all life on our planet？- for it will be not only men who will perish, but also the animals, whom no one can accuse of communism or anticommunism.

I cannot believe that this is to be the end. I would have men forget their quarrels for a moment and reflect that, if they will allow themselves to survive, there is every reason to expect the triumphs of the future to exceed immeasurably the triumphs of the past. There lies before us, if we choose, continual progress in happiness, knowledge, and wisdom. Shall we, instead, choose death, because we cannot forget our quarrels？ I appeal, as a human being to human beings: remember your humanity, and forget the rest. If you can do so, the way lies open to a new Paradise; if you cannot, nothing lies before you but universal death.

You know, you know, we started this great effort on a sunny July morning in Pindars Corner on Pat and Liz Moynihan’ s beautiful farm and 62 counties, 16 months, 3 debates, 2 opponents, and 6 black pantsuits later, because of you, here we are.

You came out and said that issues and ideals matter. Jobs matter, downstate and upstate. Health care matters, education matters, the environment matters, Social Security matters, a woman’ s right to choose matters. It all matters and I just want to say from the bottom of my heart, thank you, New York!

Thank you for opening up your minds and your hearts, for seeing the possibility of what we could do together for our children and for our future here in this state and in our nation. I am profoundly grateful to all of you for giving me the chance to serve you.

I will, I will do everything I can to be worthy of your faith and trust and to honor the powerful example of Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan. I would like all of you and the countless New Yorkers and Americans watching to join me in honoring him for his incredible half century of service to New York and our nation. Senator Moynihan, on behalf of New York and America, thank you.

I promise you tonight that I will reach across party lines to bring progress for all of New York’ s families. Today we voted as Democrats and Republicans. Tomorrow we begin again as New Yorkers.

And how fortunate we are indeed to live in the most diverse, dynamic and beautiful state in the entire union. You know, from the South Bronx to the Southern Tier, from Brooklyn to Buffalo, from Montauk to Massena, from the world’ s tallest skyscrapers to breathtaking mountain ranges, I’ve met people whose faces and stories I will never forget. Thousands of New Yorkers from all 62 counties welcomed me into your schools, your local diners, your factory floors, your living rooms and front porches. You taught me, you tested me and you shared with me your challenges and concernsabout overcrowded or crumbling schools, about the struggle to care for growing children and aging parents, about the continuing challenge of providing equal opportunity for all and about children moving away from their home towns because good jobs are so hard to find in upstate New York. Now I’ ve worked on issues like these for a long time, some of them for 30 years, and I am determined to make a difference for all of you.

You see, I believe our nation owes every responsible citizen and every responsible family the tools that they need to make the most of their own lives. That’ s the basic bargain. I’ ll do my best to honor in the United States Senate.

And to those of you who did not support me, I want you to know that I will work in the Senate for you and for all New Yorkers. And to those of you who worked so hard and never lost faith even in the toughest times, I offer you my undying gratitude.

Good afternoon. It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you. I’ d like to thank Fudan University’ s President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome.I'd also like to thank our out standing Ambassador,Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations. I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good.（Laughter.）

What I’ d like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I’ m really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we’ ve received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.

This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world—the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China’ s journey to the 21st century, I’ m eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China’ s distant past.

Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.

The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communiqués opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America’ s ties to this city—and to this country—stretch back further, to the earliest days of America’ s independence.

In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse——the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.

Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.

A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success——because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China—— “The people are just like us … The country is very similar to America, but still very different.”

Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communiqués, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.

In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly$5 billion——today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people’ s lives in so many ways.America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry.This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.

In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time——economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.

And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States comes from China, and we’ ve seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 “friendship cities” drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball—I’ m only sorry that I won’ t be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I’ m visiting.

It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty—an accomplishment unparalleled in human history—while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.

There is a Chinese proverb: “Consider the past, and you shall know the future.”Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined—not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure.We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.

And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding—on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out—we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.

I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.

Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles—that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.

Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways—over many years—we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.

None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal”could long endure.

That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That’ s why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.

And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression and worship—of access to information and political participation—we believe are universal rights.

They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities—whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America’ s openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.

These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city--and looking around this room—I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow’ s generation can do better than today’ s.

In addition to your growing economy, we admire China’ s extraordinary commitment to science and research——a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world’ s largest Internet user—which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event.

This country now has the world’ s largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change—and I’ m looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China’ s future in you—young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.

I’ ve said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek—all of these things are shared.？ And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country’ s success need not come at the expense of another.

And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China’ s rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations—a China that draws on the rights, strengths and creativity of individual Chinese like you.

To return to the proverb—consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people—in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.

That’ s why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century. And I’ m absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.

So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there’ s one thing that we can take from today’ s dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.

So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much.